By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army career by way of the U.S., Cuba officially grew to become an self reliant republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a stream within which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had anticipated an egalitarian and inclusive country--a country for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, stay as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, govt rules, and varied different types of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de l. a. Fuente explores the possibilities and boundaries that Afro-Cubans skilled in such components as task entry, schooling, and political illustration. not easy assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has continued to at the present time, regardless of major efforts through the progressive executive to enhance the lot of the terrible and construct a kingdom that used to be really for all.
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Extra info for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
That it was possible to support whitening while pledging allegiance to the ideology of racial fraternity exempliﬁes the complexities and contradictions of this ideology. Beyond its apparent coherence, the mambí revolutionary ideology was in fact open to contending interpretations. Di√erent social groups could refer to the same foundational discourse to explain the relationship between race and nation in radically di√erent ways. Rather than a ﬁnished product, the nationalist ideology itself was permanently contested and redeﬁned.
Afro-Cuban intellectuals ridiculed the dominant discourse of a Cuba with all and for all as a ‘‘cantilena’’ used by politicians to attract votes in election times and stressed that the republic had in fact betrayed Martí’s vision of a racially fraternal nation. ≥≥ ‘‘We speak and work practically so that the ideal of the Apostle of our freedoms, José Martí, who dreamed and wanted a cordial Republic ‘with all and for all,’ may be a reality and not a myth,’’ a black woman asserted in 1929. ≥∂ This discourse asserted as well that blacks’ entitlement to unqualiﬁed membership in the nation and to all the beneﬁts of the republic was not a white concession but a conquest of Afro-Cuban insurgents, whose participation in the wars of independence had made la patria possible.
To the argument that blacks were indebted to whites for their freedom, they o√ered, amid protests of racial fraternity, a counterargument: the abolition of slavery was not an example of generosity by Cuban masters or Spanish colonial authorities but a ‘‘conquest’’ by black insurgents in the 1868 war. ≥∞ For them, la patria was not just a territory free from foreign domination that preserved the same injustices that Cubans had fought against. ≥≤ Afro-Cuban intellectuals ridiculed the dominant discourse of a Cuba with all and for all as a ‘‘cantilena’’ used by politicians to attract votes in election times and stressed that the republic had in fact betrayed Martí’s vision of a racially fraternal nation.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente